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17th July 2018OffByRiseNews

Please forward this error screen to 169. Please forward this error screen to 169. THE BEST CHOICE AMONG PESHAWAR HOTELS FOR BUSINESS AND LEISURE Simple yet alluring, the Pearl-Continental Peshawar offers an interesting mix of fine dining services and comprehensive business facilities surpassing the guest’s expectations. Located in PCHP in the News proximity to the downtown shopping center, Pearl Continental Hotel Peshawar offers well-appointed guest rooms, featuring the uniqueness, character, charm and the traditional values of Peshawar.

All 145 rooms provide an outstanding array of exceptional amenities thoughtfully put in place to guarantee comfort and convenience. With ample space for work or leisure, it has an unwavering focus on the needs of its varied clientele. Every room has a balcony with a beautiful view of front lawn, the Golf Course or the Swimming pool. Peshawar is 144 kilometers from Islamabad.

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Excellent roads allow guests and visitors to travel between the two cities in about 2 hours. Transportation to and from the airport is available on request. This is a page on our old website. You may be seeing outdated content. Please search the new website to check for the most recent information.

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Higher Education in University of Massachusetts in Mass. A webcast is a live video broadcast over an internet connection, which will allow remote viewing of the meeting in real time. Each meeting will be webcast through a unique website address. Validation Study of the MA QRIS, and in 2017 began making draft revisions to the MA QRIS based on the results of this study and feedback from the field. Subscribe to Press Releases RSS feed.

To Apply for the Program Online, Click Here. Pinellas County Human Services has partnered with the Pinellas County Department of Health and the Turley Family Health Center to provide prevention-focused health care to eligible Pinellas county residents. The Pinellas County Health Program moves clients from a “sick care” model toward a “disease management” model through the use of medical homes. What if I still have questions? What if I’m not eligible for this program?

Where are the Medical Homes located? Medical Homes for Pinellas County Health Program are provided by the Florida Department of Health in Pinellas County. Trips to the emergency room for routine medical care are a thing of the past. That’s because your Medical Home is your first stop for health care.

A Medical Home is the place you can go for primary care and to help you receive other care offered in the Pinellas County Health Program. In addition, your Medical Home provides easy access to medical staff through same-day office appointments and physicians are on call 24 hours a day, 7 days a week for emergencies. For more information, visit the Florida Department of Health in Pinellas County . All Pinellas County residents may apply for the Health Program. Assistance is available for clients who qualify. Clients may be eligible for one year depending on the individual situation.

Income guidelines are based on the current Federal Poverty Guidelines for family size. These guidelines are updated each year. The figures shown are for gross income. Please note that emergency room treatment and hospitalization are not covered. You are responsible for payment of these services. Be sure to ask for more information if you have questions about services you are eligible for.

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To sign up for the Pinellas County Health Program, you must complete an online application from any computer with an internet connection. Note: If submitting a recertification for continued enrollment and you previously submitted proof of social security number, this item is not needed. The list above includes the most common types of documentation needed. Based on your situation, these documents may not be needed or we may ask for additional information as we process your application. What are my rights to privacy? Please take a few minutes to review the Notice of Privacy Practices information. It explains how medical information may or may not be used and how you can get that medical information.

464-4200 and a Human Services representative will be available to assist you. Please ask us for information and resources that may help you. You may call 2-1-1, Tampa Bay’s 2-1-1 Call Center, or visit www. This resource lists hundreds of options that may help you find assistance in the community. If you’ve heard about us because you’ve recently moved into a new tenancy after being homeless, please get in touch with us to hear how we can help you. We appreciate all the donations we receive, but we would ask if you are donating any sharp objects, such as knives, can you please ensure they are wrapped appropriately in order to prevent any accidents when they are being unpacked.

We are very appreciative for the extremely fast reactions to our requests. Policymakers in both countries consider Plan Colombia to be a foreign policy success for the U. The Colombian government credits Plan Colombia with transforming the country given Colombia’s fragility at the turn of the 21st century. The original version of Plan Colombia was officially unveiled by President Andrés Pastrana in 1999.

Pastrana had first proposed the idea of a possible “Marshall Plan for Colombia” during a speech at Bogotá’s Tequendama Hotel on June 8, 1998, nearly a week after the first round of that year’s presidential elections. Developed countries should help us to implement some sort of ‘Marshall Plan’ for Colombia, which will allow us to develop great investments in the social field, in order to offer our peasants different alternatives to the illicit crops. After Pastrana was inaugurated, one of the names given to the initiative at this early stage was “Plan for Colombia’s Peace”, which President Pastrana defined as “a set of alternative development projects which will channel the shared efforts of multilateral organizations and governments towards Colombian society”. During an August 3, 1998 meeting, President Pastrana and U. President Bill Clinton discussed the possibility of “securing an increase in U.

For President Pastrana, it became necessary to create an official document that specifically “served to convene important U. As a result of these contacts, US input was extensive, and meant that Plan Colombia’s first formal draft was originally written in English, not Spanish, and a Spanish version was not available until “months after a revised English version was already in place”. The final version of Plan Colombia was seen as considerably different, since its main focuses would deal with drug trafficking and strengthening the military. When this final version was debated on the U. Senate floor, Joseph Biden spoke as a leading advocate of the more hardline strategy. If you read the original Plan Colombia, not the one that was written in Washington but the original Plan Colombia, there’s no mention of military drives against the FARC rebels.

12 percent of the funds for 2000 went to the Colombian military and police for counternarcotics and military operations. The rest, focusing mostly on social development, would be provided by international organizations, Europe, Japan, Canada, Latin America, and Colombia itself. 3 billion in foreign aid and up to five hundred military personnel to train local forces. Colombia sought additional support from the European Union and other countries, with the intention of financing the mostly social component of the original plan. Some would-be donors were reluctant to cooperate, as they considered that the US-approved aid represented an undue military slant, and additionally lacked the will to spend such amounts of money for what they considered an uncertain initiative. Larger amounts, in some instances up to several hundred million dollars, were also donated to Colombia and continued to be provided either directly or through loans and access to credit lines, but technically fell outside the framework of Plan Colombia. Although Plan Colombia includes components which address social aid and institutional reform, the initiative has come to be regarded by its critics as fundamentally a program of counternarcotics and military aid for the Colombian government.

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In the United States, Plan Colombia is seen as part of the “War on Drugs”, which was started under President Nixon in 1971. Plan Colombia has numerous supporters in the United States Congress. Prominent in the aid package approved by former President Clinton is the “Push into Southern Colombia”, an area that for decades had been a stronghold of Colombia’s largest guerrilla organization FARC, which is also a major coca-producing region. This funding was earmarked for training and equipping new Colombian army counternarcotics battalions, providing them with helicopters, transport and intelligence assistance, and supplies for coca eradication. The US Defense Department funded a two-year study which found that the use of the armed forces to interdict drugs coming into the United States would have minimal or no effect on cocaine traffic and might, in fact, raise the profits of cocaine cartels and manufacturers. During the early to mid-1990s, the Clinton administration ordered and funded a major cocaine policy study again by RAND. 3 billion should be switched from federal and local law enforcement to treatment.

The report said that treatment is the cheapest way to cut drug use. Plan Colombia itself didn’t exist at the time of the second RAND study, but the U. Source: Ministry of Defense, Government of Colombia. Critics of Plan Colombia, such as authors Doug Stokes and Francisco Ramirez Cuellar, argue that the main intent of the program is not drug eradication but to fight leftist guerrillas. They argue that these Colombian peasants are also a target because they are calling for social reform and hindering international plans to exploit Colombia’s valuable resources, including oil and other natural resources. While the assistance is defined as counternarcotics assistance, critics such as filmmaker Gerard Ungeman argues it will be used primarily against the FARC.

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Supporters of the Plan such as the U. Plan Colombia is based on a drug-focused analysis of the roots of the conflict and the human rights crisis which completely ignores the Colombian state’s own historical and current responsibility. It also ignores deep-rooted causes of the conflict and the human rights crisis. A United Nations study reported that elements within the Colombian security forces, which have been strengthened due to Plan Colombia and U. Some paramilitary commanders openly expressed their support for Plan Colombia. In May 2000, paramilitary commander “Yair” from the Putumayo Southern Bloc, himself a former Colombian special forces sergeant, said that the AUC supported the plan and he offered to assist U. SOA graduates from any other country.

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In addition, Livingstone also argues that the Colombian paramilitaries employ counter insurgency methods that US military schools and manuals have been teaching Latin American officers in Colombia and in the region at large since the 1960s, and that these manuals teach students to target civilian supporters of the guerrillas, because without such support the guerrillas cannot survive. The Pastrana administration replied to critics by stating that it had publicly denounced military-paramilitary links, as well as increased efforts against paramilitaries and acted against questionable military personnel. Pastrana claims that some 1300 paramilitaries were killed, captured or surrendered during his term, and that hundreds of members of the armed forces, including up to a hundred officers, were dismissed due to the existence of what it considered as sufficient allegations of involvement in abuses or suspected paramilitary activities, in use of a new presidential discretional faculty. In 1997 the US Congress approved an Amendment to the Foreign Operations Appropriations Act which banned the US from giving anti-narcotics aid to any foreign military unit whose members have violated human rights. According to author Grace Livingstone and other critics, the problem is there have been very few military units free of members that have not been implicated in any kind of human rights abuses at all, so they consider that the policy has been usually ignored, downplayed or occasionally implemented in a patchy way.

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Plan Colombia aid, due to President Pastrana’s directing “in writing that Colombian Armed Forces personnel who are credibly alleged to have committed gross violations of human rights will be brought to justice in Colombia’s civilian courts”. Plan Colombia backed by the United States government as a strategy to eliminate drug crops in Colombia in the 1980s. By the mid-1990s, drug cultivation increased, which caused aerial eradication efforts to become more intensified. 2003, twenty-four aircraft were conducting fumigation.

The forced eradication of illicit crops with aerial spraying has been questioned for failing to reduce supply as well as having a negative social impact and causing environmental damage. According to Joshua Davis of Wired. Roundup resistant variety of the coca plant known as “Boliviana Negra” that is not talked about because it might “put an end to American aid money. The scandal behind the aerial eradication strategy in Colombia raises many issues. One point is the most important of whether or not it has been successful.

In 2004, according to Robert Charles, assistant secretary of state for the INL, aerial eradication efforts were getting close to the point that continued suppression of the drug crops would convince growers that continued cultivation will be futile. Another issue raised by aerial eradication is rights violations. First of all, aerial eradication is destroying the only economic option for a number of peasants involved in illicit drug crops. Also, when the crops are destroyed, it causes forced displacement of peasants, because they have to find a new place to grow their crops. One notable aspect in discussion of the aerial spraying of illicit crops in Colombia is the size of the areas sprayed. Forty thousand hectares are said to have been sprayed in a single department, Putumayo.

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Nationwide in 2003, chemicals were sprayed on 139,000 hectares, 17,000 people were displaced as a result of aerial eradication, and their income and food supply were threatened. In addition, spraying is shown to have effects on health. Many residents of spray zones have shown to have a variety of skin, respiratory, and other ailments. The scandal regarding health violations arises because the U. State department constantly downplays these concerns.

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They claim instead that illness arises as a result of the herbicides they use for their crop cultivation. This intensive program to eradicate crops with aerial spraying is the backbone of the bilateral anti-drug partnership between Colombia and United States. Congress added a provision to its Plan Colombia aid package that called for the employment of mycoherbicides against coca and opium crops. The potential use of Fusarium oxysporum as part of these efforts was questioned and opposed by environmentalists. In 2001, the administration of U.

676 million for the Andean Counterdrug Initiative. 463 million of which was targeted at Colombia. In October 2004, the compromise version of two U. Senate bills was approved, increasing the number of U. In a November 22, 2004 visit to Cartagena, President Bush stood by Colombian president Uribe’s security policies and declared his support for continuing to provide Plan Colombia aid in the future. Bush claimed the initiative enjoys “wide bipartisan support” in the US and in the coming year he would ask Congress to renew its support. As of 2008 Plan Colombia’s U.

This program is executed by the U. It equips and trains the helicopter units of the Colombian Army. It is subdivided into various specific programs. The program needs 43 contract pilots and 87 contract mechanics to operate. Colombian Army but supported by U.

Additional pilot training is provided at the U. State Department provides support to approximately 90 aircraft operated by the Colombian National Police. State Department equips and trains a Colombian National Police unit known as Junglas. The unit’s 500 members are divided into three companies based in Bogotá, Santa Marta, and Tuluá.

This program secures part of the Cano Limon-Covenas Pipeline, benefiting international oil company Occidental Petroleum. Defense Department provided training and built bases in Tres Esquinas and Larandia, Caquetá. State Department provided weapons, ammunition and training. This program aims to establish government presence in all Colombian municipalities. Fifteen percent of Colombian municipalities had no police presence in 2002.

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Today all municipalities are covered, but in many of them government presence is limited to a small number of policemen. The program organized 68 squadrons of Carabineros, of 120 policemen each. This program gave the Colombian Navy and Marines water vessels and aircraft to patrol the country’s coast and rivers. The Navy received 8 interceptor boats and 2 Cessna Grand Caravan transport planes. The Marines received 95 patrol boats. State and Defense departments provided the Colombian Air Force with 7 surveillance planes and their maintenance support. The program also operates five radars inside Colombia, other radars outside the country, and airborne radars.

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The program is also known as the Air Bridge Denial Program. 2 billion were allocated from 2000 to 2008 to other programs including the Critical Flight Safety Program to extend the life of the U. State Department’s fleet of aircraft, additional counternarcotics funding and aviation support for battlefield medical evacuations. You can help by adding to it. On April 14, 2006, the U.

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Drug Czar’s office announced that its Colombian coca cultivation estimate for 2005 was significantly greater than that of any year since 2002. The press release from the U. Critics of Plan Colombia and of ongoing fumigation programs considered this new information as a sign of the failure of current U. The Center for International Policy stated that “even if we accept the U. UNODC concluded that “substantial international assistance” is needed by Colombia and the other Andean countries “so they can provide poor coca farmers with sustainable alternative livelihoods” and that “aid efforts need to be multiplied at least tenfold in order to reach all impoverished farmers who need support”. The results of Plan Colombia have been mixed.